Alvaro Uribe and the Future of Latin America: An Analysis of Democracy, Economy, and Regional Challenges

In a context of growing political and economic uncertainty in Latin America, the voice of experienced leaders like the former Colombian President Álvaro Uribe Vélez becomes especially relevant. Uribe, a central figure in Latin American politics over the last few decades, recently shared his perspectives in a talk at Millennia Atlantic University on January 11, 2024. His speech, filled with profound reflections on the current situation in Colombia and comparisons with other countries in the region, offers a comprehensive view of the challenges and opportunities facing Latin America.

 

Álvaro Uribe Vélez, who was President of Colombia from 2002 to 2010, is known for his firm stance against drug trafficking and guerrillas, as well as his democratic security policies. His leadership has been both praised by his followers and criticized by his opponents, but what is indisputable is his profound knowledge of the intricate political and economic mechanisms that govern the region. In his talk, Uribe not only addresses the situation of his native country but also extends his analysis to other Latin American nations, offering a comparative perspective that enriches the understanding of the common challenges they face.

 

Uribe’s speech at Millennia Atlantic University thus becomes crucial study material to understand the current dynamics of Latin America. In this blog post, we aim to dissect and analyze the key points of his conversation, exploring the political and economic situation of Colombia and its comparison with other Latin American countries, to the challenges of democracy and the private sector, through perspectives on elections and democracy, and the importance of the international community in supporting the region.

 

Through this analysis, we seek to better understand Uribe’s words and also to offer a broader vision of the future for Latin America, a region in constant evolution and facing both old and new challenges.

 

Álvaro Uribe and the Future of Latin America: An Analysis of Democracy, Economy, and Regional Challenges

 

 

Political and Economic Analysis of Latin America

 

The presentation by Álvaro Uribe Velez provides a valuable perspective on the current political and economic situation in Latin America, a region characterized by its diversity and complexity. Uribe, with his experience as a former president of Colombia, offers a comparative view of several Latin American countries, highlighting both their challenges and their advancements.

 

1. Colombia in Opposition:

   – Uribe begins his analysis with an introspective look at Colombia, a country that has recently experienced an intense political campaign.

   – Despite being in the opposition, Uribe emphasizes the importance of maintaining constructive and proactive dialogue to address national problems.

   – The situation in Colombia is presented as a reflection of the challenges faced by the region in terms of governance and political stability.

 

2. Venezuela and its Regional Influence:

   – The situation in Venezuela is a recurring theme in Uribe’s discourse.

   – He analyzes how political and economic developments in Venezuela have had a significant impact on the entire region, especially in terms of humanitarian crisis and migration.

   – The recovery of the private sector in Venezuela is presented as a key indicator for the future of the country and its influence in the region.

 

3. Ecuador and Peru: Signs of Tranquility:

   – Uribe mentions recent developments in Ecuador and Peru, highlighting that these countries are showing signs of stability and tranquility.

   – This analysis suggests a contrast with the more volatile situation of other countries in the region, highlighting the diversity of political contexts in Latin America.

 

4. Argentina and Chile: Between Illusion and Stability:

   – In Argentina, Uribe points out the illusion generated by the proposals of President Milei, suggesting a change in the country’s political and economic landscape.

   – Regarding Chile, he mentions the stability achieved after two failed attempts to change the Constitution, indicating a return to optimism and greater political stability.

 

Uribe’s analysis provides a panoramic view of the political and economic situation in Latin America, highlighting the interconnection between the countries of the region and how events in one nation can influence the overall landscape. The diversity of situations in these countries reflects the complexity of governing a region with varied histories, cultures, and economic challenges.

 

The Balance Between Economic Models

 

The conversation with Álvaro Uribe at Millennia Atlantic University addresses a crucial topic in the current context of Latin America: the balance between different economic models. This point is particularly relevant in a region where political and economic ideologies have historically fluctuated, directly impacting the development and stability of the countries.

 

1. Free Market vs. State Control:

   – Uribe presents the eternal dichotomy between the free market model, exemplified by the American system, and state-controlled economic models, such as the Soviet or Marxist ones.

   – This discussion is fundamental to understanding economic policies in Latin America, where the balance between these two extremes has significantly oscillated over the decades.

 

2. The Case of China and Its Influence:

   – China emerges in the discussion as an example of how a country can seek a balance between strong state control and openness to the private market.

   – However, Uribe points out the current criticisms of China for returning to stricter state control, which could have implications for private investment and the global economy.

   – China’s influence in Latin America, both economically and politically, is an important factor to consider in the analysis of the region’s economic models.

 

3. Venezuela and the Private Sector:

   – The situation in Venezuela provides a case study on the effects of transitioning from one economic model to another.

   – After years of policies that severely limited the private sector, Uribe highlights that Venezuela is trying to reintegrate it, though it faces the challenge of a lack of trust.

   – This case underscores the importance of trust in the private sector and how its absence can be a significant obstacle to economic recovery.

 

4. Trust and Participation of the Private Sector:

   – Uribe emphasizes that trust is a key element for any successful economic transition.

   – He argues that in Latin America, it is crucial to develop a system that not only allows the participation of the private sector but also encourages it as a means to solve social problems.

   – The need for a balance between governmental support and entrepreneurial freedom is presented as a determining factor for economic growth and stability.

 

Uribe’s analysis underlines the complexity of finding a balance between different economic models in Latin America. The region, with its history of political and economic fluctuations, faces the challenge of integrating the advantages of the free market with the need for a certain degree of state intervention to ensure equity and social development. The experiences of China and Venezuela offer valuable lessons on the risks and opportunities of such transitions.

 

Uribe’s discussion on this topic is particularly pertinent at a time when Latin America is seeking paths toward economic recovery and political stability. The balance between the free market and state control is not just a matter of economic policy, but also a reflection of the social and political aspirations of the region. In this sense, Uribe’s presentation offers a basis for reflection on how Latin American countries can design their economic trajectories in a way that fosters growth, equity, and stability.

 

Challenges of Democracy and the Private Sector

 

Álvaro Uribe addresses the challenges facing democracy and the private sector in Latin America, a topic of great relevance in the current context of the region. This analysis is crucial to understanding how economic policies and government systems influence the development and stability of Latin American countries.

 

1. Importance of Trust in the Private Sector:

   – Uribe emphasizes the need to maintain and strengthen trust in the private sector as a fundamental pillar for economic growth.

   – Business confidence is seen not only as a driver of investment and employment but also as a key element for social and political stability.

   – The lack of trust, as observed in the case of Venezuela, can lead to decapitalization and the flight of talent and investments.

 

2. Private Sector as a Solution to Social Problems:

   – Uribe argues that the private sector should not be seen only as an end in itself but as a means to solve social problems, including poverty and inequality.

   – The promotion of the private sector at all levels, from youth entrepreneurship to support for large companies, is crucial for the integral development of society.

   – This approach requires policies that promote innovation, fair competition, and market access for companies of all sizes.

 

3. Relationship between Taxes, Private Investment, and Development:

   – Uribe addresses the issue of taxes and their impact on private investment and economic development.

   – He mentions that Colombia has one of the highest corporate taxes in the OECD, which can discourage investment and limit economic growth.

   – He proposes the need for a balanced tax system that does not discourage private investment, but at the same time ensures sufficient resources for social development and infrastructure.

 

4. Challenges for Democracy in the Region:

   – Uribe points out that neo-communist governments in Latin America represent a risk to democracy and economic development.

   – He emphasizes the importance of maintaining democratic values, such as freedom of expression and citizen participation, to ensure a healthy political and economic environment.

   – Participatory democracy, where the government not only speaks but also listens and attends to the citizens, is presented as an ideal model for the region.

 

Uribe highlights the interdependence between democracy and the private sector in Latin America. Political stability and economic growth go hand in hand, and trust in the private sector, along with a solid and participatory democratic system, are fundamental for the progress of the region. Uribe’s talk offers a valuable perspective on how Latin American countries can face these challenges to build more equitable and prosperous societies.

 

The Situation in Colombia

 

Álvaro Uribe offers a detailed view of the current situation in Colombia, highlighting the specific challenges the country faces in the broader context of Latin America. This analysis is essential to understand the internal dynamics of Colombia and how they can influence the region.

 

1. Impact of the Pandemic on Micro Businesses:

   – Uribe notes that one of the serious political problems in Colombia has been the loss of 500,000 micro-businesses during the COVID-19 pandemic.

   – This situation reflects not only the economic consequences of the pandemic but also the vulnerability of small entrepreneurs and independent workers in the country.

   – The recovery of these micro businesses is crucial for the Colombian economy, as they represent a significant part of the business fabric and are an important source of employment.

 

2. The Private Sector as a Defense of Democracy:

   – Uribe argues that the business dynamic in Colombia is one of the main defenses of the country’s democracy.

   – The strength and independence of the business sector from the State are seen as essential to maintain a healthy political and economic balance.

   – This perspective underscores the importance of policies that support and promote business activity as a pillar of democracy and development.

 

3. Labor Reforms and Their Impact on Entrepreneurship:

   – The presentation addresses the labor reforms proposed by the current government and how they could affect entrepreneurship and the relationship between employers and workers.

   – Uribe criticizes the reforms that, according to him, create confrontations and make the labor relationship litigious, arguing that models are needed that promote collaboration and joint growth.

   – He proposes that companies in sectors that grow more than 4% annually should pay an additional premium, thus encouraging business growth and benefiting workers.

 

The situation in Colombia, as described by Uribe, presents unique challenges but also opportunities. The pandemic has severely impacted micro-businesses, but it has also opened the door to rethinking economic and labor policies to foster a more conducive environment for entrepreneurship and investment. Uribe’s vision of Colombia offers a valuable perspective on how the country can overcome its current challenges and strengthen its democracy and economy.

 

Perspectives on Elections and Democracy

 

In his speech, Uribe offers a deep perspective on elections and democracy in Latin America, with a particular focus on the situation in Venezuela and its implications for the region. This analysis is crucial for understanding the democratic challenges faced by these countries and the possible paths towards a more stable and democratic future.

 

1. Political Future of Venezuela:

   – Uribe addresses the political situation in Venezuela, a topic of great concern in Latin America due to its regional impact.

   – He focuses on the possibility of political change in the upcoming elections, highlighting the importance of them being free and fair.

   – The figure of María Corina Machado is mentioned as a potential catalyst for democratic change, provided she is allowed to participate without restrictions and electoral transparency is ensured.

 

2. Need for Transparency and Electoral Surveillance:

   – Transparency in electoral processes is a key issue in Uribe’s presentation. He argues that for elections to be legitimate, they must be effectively supervised to prevent fraud.

   – He suggests that the international community should play an active role in overseeing the elections in Venezuela to ensure their integrity.

   – This perspective highlights the importance of electoral surveillance not only as a courtesy or diplomatic measure but as a necessity to protect democracy.

 

3. Citizen Participation in Politics:

   – Uribe emphasizes the importance of citizen participation in politics, not only in terms of voting but also in terms of active participation and dialogue with the government.

   – He argues that a healthy democracy requires a government that not only speaks but also listens and attends to the needs of its citizens.

   – This vision points to the need for a participatory democracy, where the grassroots have an active role in shaping policies and government decisions.

 

Uribe’s vision of elections and democracy in Latin America offers an important perspective on the challenges these countries face in achieving more stable and fair political systems. The situation in Venezuela is presented as a case study on the risks of a lack of electoral transparency and the importance of citizen participation in politics. This analysis underscores the need to strengthen democratic institutions and ensure free and fair electoral processes throughout the region.

 

The Importance of the International Community

 

Álvaro Uribe also addresses a crucial aspect in the political and social context of Latin America: the role of the international community. This focus is essential to understanding how global interaction and external support can influence the path towards democracy and stability in the region.

 

1. Role of Communities in Exile:

   – Uribe highlights the importance of Latin American communities in exile, especially in the United States. These communities represent not only a cultural and social diaspora but are also key political actors.

   – The active participation of these communities in the politics of their countries of origin is fundamental to maintaining international pressure on governments that do not respect democratic principles.

   – These communities serve as a bridge between their country of origin and their country of residence, fostering greater understanding and international collaboration.

 

2. Working for the Restoration of Democracy:

   – Uribe calls for collective responsibility to work for the restoration of democracy in countries of origin, but also on a global scale.

   – The international community, including organizations and foreign governments, plays a crucial role in supporting democratic efforts and denouncing human rights violations and abuses of power.

   – This global approach is essential to create an environment in which democracy can flourish and be sustained.

 

3. International Support for Persecuted Political Leaders:

   – Uribe emphasizes the importance of international support for political leaders facing persecution in their countries. This support is not only moral but can also translate into concrete actions such as sanctions, diplomatic pressure, and political asylum.

   – International solidarity is key to protecting leaders who fight for democracy and human rights, ensuring that their voices are not silenced.

   – This support also serves as a powerful reminder to authoritarian regimes that the international community is vigilant and ready to act in defense of democracy.

 

Uribe’s vision of the importance of the international community in the context of Latin America underscores how global interconnectedness can be a powerful force for change and support for democracy. The active participation of communities in exile, joint work for the restoration of democracy, and support for persecuted political leaders are fundamental aspects that can significantly influence the future political and social landscape of the region.

 

Conclusion

 

The conversation with Álvaro Uribe at Millennia Atlantic University offers a comprehensive and profound view of the challenges and opportunities facing Latin America. Through his analysis, Uribe not only addresses the political and economic complexities of the region but also provides valuable perspectives on the path to a more stable and democratic future.

 

1. Summary of Key Points:

   – The situation in Colombia, with its economic and political challenges, reflects the tensions and possibilities faced by all of Latin America.

   – The importance of finding a balance between free market economic models and those controlled by the State is crucial for the sustainable development of the region.

   – The private sector emerges as a fundamental actor in solving social problems, underscoring the need for policies that promote investment and entrepreneurship.

   – Elections and democracy in countries like Venezuela are critical issues, where transparency and citizen participation play a vital role.

   – The international community, including communities in exile and foreign governments, plays a significant role in supporting democratic efforts and denouncing injustices.

 

2. Final Reflections on the Future of Latin America:

   – Latin America is at a crossroads, where current decisions will determine the course of its political and economic future.

   – The region needs leaders who can effectively balance economic needs with democratic principles, promoting policies that benefit the whole society.

   – The active participation of citizens, both within countries and in the diaspora, is essential to ensure that governments are accountable and remain true to democratic principles.

 

3. The Role of Colombia in the Latin American Landscape:

   – As one of the most influential countries in the region, Colombia has the opportunity to lead by example, showing how democracy and a robust economy can coexist and thrive.

   – The experiences and policies implemented in Colombia can serve as a model for other Latin American countries facing similar challenges.

 

Álvaro Uribe’s talk offers an enriching and necessary perspective to understand the current challenges of Latin America. His vision highlights the importance of collaboration, political and economic balance, and active participation in building a more prosperous and democratic future for the region.

 

Video Transcript

 

Jairo, thank you so much! It’s an honor. To Fabio, to all of you. Dear friends, the truth is that I am very scared. Let’s talk about business. John Keller is going to talk to you about business. We have just finished a very intense campaign in Colombia. I say that in this campaign I spent two pairs of Crocs traveling around the country. We are now in the opposition.

 

It’s a quite risky time for the country. And looking not only at the country, its difficulties, the moment but also at sister Venezuela, the recent developments in Ecuador and Peru, which today show signs of tranquility, they have been showing them. Argentina, which creates an illusion with the proposals of President Milei, and Chile, which seems stable after two failed attempts to change the Constitution.

 

I see Chile at a moment where optimism returns. Hopefully. It has stabilized quite a bit, but I had told Fabio that I would prefer to talk about a World Cup. There were concerns from you, issues that we can respond to, and questions, or comments that you want to make. And I will try to refer to those issues with as little subjectivity as possible. President

 

A very quick question: How to find a balance between free market economies, the American model, the capitalist model, and economies controlled by governments, the Russian, Soviet, or Marxist model, or whatever you want to call it?

 

How to find that balance? Somehow, China was finding it, although now there is a lot of criticism that they are returning to stricter state control that could hinder private investment. The news coming out of Venezuela indicates that, after the year 98, these 24 to 26 years of the destruction of the private sector, they are calling the private sector back again.

 

I don’t know if those who don’t have assets in Venezuela are going to return, more because of the issue of trust, and some in Latin America. The socialist side of what I call the new communism, they say it leans towards the Chinese model path, but I don’t know if Venezuela manages to generate trust to develop, from state control, a private economy system, a mixed economy system with great participation of the private sector.

 

As things stand, I believe that there is no trust and that those who will do it are those who have assets in Venezuela that, in order not to lose them completely, would have to push forward. Briefly, it will be 16 years since the death of Raúl Reyes in Angostura, in the province of Sucumbíos, which broke relations with Caracas and Quito six years ago, as you handle it much better.

 

In the same vein, Ecuador is currently experiencing a state of internal war emergency. President Noboa asks the business sector to pay income tax in advance. What confidence do we have in this today? Despite being a right-wing and ultra-business government, what confidence does the sector have? We see investments in the United States and, obviously, part of our families in Ecuador and Colombia still.

 

At what point can the private sector trust? The Chambers of Commerce, industrial production. To this extent, paying in advance to support a Constitution that is still not clear in Ecuador. I am not talking about left or right. It seems to me that we have a greater challenge today, which is the risk to democracy posed by neo-communist governments.

 

I believe that the great dilemma, and therefore in the practice of our doctrine, we have been saying that democratic elements are needed

 

that constitute the framework for governing Latin America, with security, but security with all democratic values, with freedom for all citizens and security not only physically, but also legally and politically, with a great promotion of the private sector, but at all levels, from the entrepreneurship of the young student to the support of the large company, not considering the private sector an end, but a means to solve social problems.

 

The only problem in Latin America is that there is poverty and inequality, but in the diagnosis, one cannot disagree with those who point out this problem. The disagreement is in the recipe because the socialist neo-communist recipe worsens the situation. We believe that great support for the private sector is required so that it can grow and solve this problem.

 

But the private sector of all sizes, because often neo-communism associates our discourse on the private sector with a discourse of handing over national resources to foreign investment. It is not only the private sector of all, of all sizes and equally, both domestic and international, etc. And finally, Latin America, in my concept, needs great participation of opinion in dialogues with governments.

 

It is a great exercise in participatory democracy. It is not only the government that speaks and gives speeches but a government that dialogues with citizens. But in addition to dialoguing with citizens, it must listen to them and attend to them, especially if we have great support from the popular base. If the discourse of Latin America, which they call right-wing, ignores the problems of the popular base, it will have no way of stabilizing governments in Latin America with the problem of poverty and inequality.

 

As in Ecuador. Last night I was listening on the networks to a girl. Gómez said that night that in her time it seemed that there was no violence because Rafael Correa got along well with those people. In her words, this girl, whom I do not know, pleasantly surprised me when I heard her last night. They say that among firefighters we do not step on each other’s hoses, but it is that these problems…

 

I remember that in Colombia there was a thesis that said: “Do not let these drug trafficking people kill each other.” They led us to lie to the rest of the citizens. “Let’s not worry, this is a confrontation between the Army and the guerrillas.” Sorry, that is the most mistaken prediction. The issue of drug trafficking has no limits. First, let’s not confuse security with war.

 

I believe that a war approach in Ecuador at this moment is not the right one. It’s about recovering security. What is needed here is a significant action of authority by the democratic State against all those bandits. That’s why I think the president’s measure is correct, and hopefully, above all, determined.

 

But hopefully, Ecuador understands that the issue is not a war, because, in some way in war, the contenders are legitimate. Here the bandits have no legitimacy whatsoever. With the advance of money, I believe they can do it, they should help. Can you achieve the experience that you have with companies in Colombia? Well, I am the oldest one here.

 

I am 142 years old, 71 of life and 71 of night. It doesn’t matter. Who remembers something about the private investment framework in the governments I presided over? You remember it. I believe there were very important stimuli, tax incentives, etc., that allowed for significant growth in the Colombian economy. But a wealth tax was imposed that was paid to help with security and a supervisory council was created from the private sector that monitored that this money was not diverted, but invested in security and helped a lot.

 

It would be like an answer to you about the Ecuadorian issue, which I hope moves forward. I am a business president who had to invest. I started investing from Colombia in pesos to invest here in the United States. It’s difficult, and I am excited about being here because we need two points. First, support for the financial sector, for those of us who want companies in what we do, businesses.

 

And secondly, that our country moves forward. President, the financing of the popular economy, of the medium and small enterprises, is a great need. I believe that one of the serious political problems Colombia had is that, during the pandemic, 500,000 micro-businesses were lost. And if you ask me what difference you see between Venezuela in ’98 and Colombia today?

 

Colombia is a country that has had a greater dynamic of medium and small enterprise than Venezuela, and a business activity much more independent of the State than the Venezuelan one because the entire oil industry created a great dependency on a good part of the Venezuelan business sector for government activities. I would say that the great defense of Colombian democracy lies in the business structure, which Ecuador has also had a very important business structure, and I believe that this has helped, for example, prevent the government of Correa from doing more damage to businesses.

 

But what you say is required as a Venezuelan and as the son of a great Venezuelan businessman, with many businesses in Venezuela and Colombia, we have learned in Venezuela to survive and coexist, as my father says. We have many years of coexisting, especially when you are responsible for 15,000 workers and their families. But we are always hopeful that in the next elections, there will be a change, and we all hope that will be the case.

 

The question is: Do you truly believe that Venezuelans in the upcoming elections can express their right, not only to vote but to freely express who they want to be led by? I sincerely believe that the Venezuelan community needs any relief and sanctions given by the United States to the Maduro regime to have a real democratic counteroffer.

 

And I would even say that, specifically, it should involve removing the disqualifications of María Corina Machado and having a surveillance system in the next elections to ensure transparency, because we gain nothing if the citizens do not want to vote for Maduro, but due to fraud, a very large vote appears and Maduro wins again. You ask me if I am optimistic, I would be optimistic if a person like María Corina has full guarantees not only to present herself but also to ensure that there is no electoral fraud.

 

Would I be optimistic? I would be optimistic if the United States, to lift any sanctions on the Venezuelan regime, demanded not just electoral surveillance. Courtesy and diplomatic surveillance would not be enough. I would need the international community to be involved in the electoral apparatus to ensure that there is no fraud. One of the great international successes seen here in the United States is the rigid tax structure.

 

Now we are seeing that DIAN in Colombia is making the same effort. What are the positive things we see? Large companies can take it negatively. For example, we see how DIAN forced Jumbo to close due to the obligation of electronic tax invoices. It is a more rigid structure than we have previously seen from DIAN and against larger companies.

 

I see it as something positive for many in Colombia. They are of the position that it will bore the company or the multinationals. What

 

 What would be the president’s stance on a more rigid day like that? Well, this has been going on for many years, since technology began to be introduced in DIAN, including President Duque’s reform.

 

In the latest, there are three elements: the obligation of electronic invoicing, the suggested declaration that the State can present to you, and if you accept the State’s suggestion, you avoid subsequent revisions. And the third is the UN’s obligation to declare the real value of real estate transactions and excess securities.

 

This goes back a long way. That DIAN enforces tax rules is fine, but, for example, there are countries in Latin America where there are criticisms that they use these instruments for political purposes. In the last three years, we have seen a huge influx of capital entering all of Florida, which has caused real estate here to increase significantly.

 

At first, I was very happy about having many clients. Now I am a bit scared, as obviously, I love my country, Colombia, and also the United States, but I see that the Colombian capital is greatly entering Florida, not only at the corporate level but also in real estate investment. And although we consider it very profitable to invest here, I am quite concerned about the decapitalization of our country.

 

And now that you mention it, it refers to what happened with Venezuela and how to reintegrate capital. In your opinion, what would be the perfect model for someone like a professional? To sell that investment here, but continue to benefit our beloved Colombia? We had an experience of promoting housing fairs here so that Colombians living in the United States could invest in housing in Colombia, and I will start with the last point: the attractions for a country.

 

The attraction is not to say “bring the household goods or enter a car,” the attraction is the conditions of the country. In my position of opposition, with arguments and without personal offenses, I believe that the country today has elements that generate distrust. The advancement of violence. I am very concerned. As I said, the growth of violence in Colombia continues to grow, as does drug trafficking.

 

We are not enemies of peace, we are enemies of a poorly made peace, with total impunity. For example, those FARC types who are in Congress did not spend even a day in jail. There are child rapists in Congress who did not spend even a day in jail. Total impunity sets a very bad example. And that has another problem, ma’am, that the country is having areas that are little republics, there are parts of Cauca, Nariño, Putumayo, Catatumbo, Antioquia, where the Colombian state, the rule of law, does not prevail.

 

The challenge there is the orders of the unparalleled church to fulfill the violent groups. That is what the majority believes. I think that is a factor of distrust. Taxes. Colombia has the highest corporate tax in the OECD and they said, “it’s not that people don’t pay taxes,” look how they raised it. Today we are in the upper ranges, both in corporate tax and in personal income tax.

 

I think that generates a lot of distrust. The well-being of workers, serious thing is to seek it by imposing burdens on employers, but there are ways to seek it that do not scare employers. We proposed an alternative as opposition, but the government didn’t even look at it. President Petro’s labor reform is a reform that creates confrontations, that make the relationship between employers and workers litigious.

 

We need labor models that put them to work in the same direction. That’s why our proposal says that when a sector of the economy grows by 4% or more per year, the companies in that sector, except for some exceptional cases, must pay an additional premium. That would help the interests of both. The employer would be interested in their company growing more than 4%, and the worker too.

 

So it’s not opposition for the sake of opposition. The volatility of governments in Latin America generates distrust. We did something good, but it’s not enough. We passed a law called the Stability Law, which allowed investors to make an agreement with the government about respecting tax rules for 20 years, but only 69 agreements were signed.

 

Let’s suppose María Corina arrives in Venezuela and creates all the conditions for the return of the private sector. If there is a lot of trust in María Corina, they will say, and in four years what happened with her good friend, President Macri in Argentina, could happen. I believe that affecting the trust of the private sector is very serious and very difficult to recover.

 

So you say everything that has come here. It surprises me because until last August it was said that 550,000 people had left Colombia and in a bank in the United States, where not many years ago there were 12 billion dollars of Colombians, today there are 60,000. Something is happening and you say it all. The money that has come here.

 

So I am very concerned. There can be everything. One can say, well, in Colombia, we created a system that favors entrepreneurship, and let the young people come. In Colombia, we already have free trade zone cities, come, but the investors will look at the trust in the country so it is very good in Colombia to go invest in Buenaventura. But I don’t have confidence in the country.

 

That’s why I think the fundamental thing is not to lose the trust of the private sector. Ma’am, what would be the path you suggest to U.S. businessmen to support progress in Colombia? I don’t tell the businessman to become a Sancho Panza against the Government, a Don Quixote with a sword fighting against the wind and against the government.

 

But businessmen do have to speak up because the great advantage of Colombia is its business dynamics, and its entrepreneurial capacity. If they kill that, when does it resurge? It’s that the capacity for entrepreneurship is also killed, master. So, let the imagination, the capacity, the capacity for entrepreneurship awaken, that’s not easy because it’s easier to imprison citizens.

 

Societies need to stimulate their dynamics because recovering that dynamic is not easy. I sit at home waiting for a coupon, work in a state office four or five hours a day, and play dominoes, to have to get up early, work, and fight for a business. The Great Capital is a private initiative.

 

These socialist governments kill it. What do I recommend to the private sector? Complain about all this that causes harm. I remember a discussion with President Chávez. He asked me, “Uribe, what do you think of my social policy?” I said, “Mr. President, I don’t know it very well, but it seems to me that the missions are well-conceived. It’s a very rich country; it shouldn’t have these levels of poverty.”

 

It had 40% poverty, and I said, “May I comment?” “Of course, of course,” he said. “Uribe, don’t end the private sector. The ability to help the poor depends on a great dynamic, a great strength of the private sector.” I told him that there wasn’t a dedicated one and that the oil was enough. What happened in Venezuela?

 

For a long time, they had the possibility of having millions, 3.5 million barrels of oil a day, at a good price. So, with that, they subsidized everyone. The Venezuelan people lived with this oil bonanza as an illusion, and there was great consumerism, but meanwhile, they were ending the private sector. Then came the fall in oil production.

 

They had to produce less than half a million barrels. Today they talk about 700,000. It seemed incredible to me. Their ability to subsidize was stopped, and they found a battered private sector, which led to poverty rising from 40% to 90%, affecting all that Venezuelan sap. Today, what help are they receiving? Some experts say that 20% of Venezuela’s GDP comes from remittances.

 

So, the same attention to the poor is not sustainable if there is not a vigorous private economy. That can happen in Colombia. Like you, our new batch of leaders, and projecting to the new presidential elections that are coming for 2026 onwards. How? With whom? Who is the tiger? Who are the leaders coming forward? Thank you very much. I still can’t say who the tiger is, because then they don’t make the mark on it. Today there are tigers and very good tigers. It’s a definitive year. It’s a year where they will have to connect yes, with the Colombian people, not only concerning the poorer Colombia.

 

And that helped a lot to understand why it was necessary to support the private sector. It’s a very difficult year, and that’s because a group of mayors and governors has just been elected. Many of today’s opposition know that I am the most controversial political figure in the world, but I made sure that all the mayors and governors of Colombia felt supported by our government, regardless of their political origin and their election.

 

Now everything is segmented even more. It’s going to be difficult for them because they won’t find support in the government, and the government might think: “Ah, they beat me. Now it’s going to go very badly for them because I’m not going to support them.” You know that the country has become very centralized, and that’s a problem to be solved. I say I wouldn’t be playing that these mayors and governors who don’t participate in the government’s thesis in two years are worn out so that the government appears recovered in the presidential election.

 

I would be very careful with that. It’s the first time I have said it so openly, and we must be very careful, helping them to succeed as governors despite the government. This is a very important task that our party has to do this year, as the task of the opposition to the reforms. I am immensely grateful to all of us and also to your employees.

 

Good morning, Mr. President. A pleasure. Thank you for being in our city. We also have our councilman Rafael Pinero, who was instrumental in helping us with this. Thank you, Rafa and Fabio. First of all, many thanks to the university for always opening the door to this community, to our community of Latinos, Venezuelans, Colombians, and everyone who needs a space to have a conversation, to work in favor of democracy and our city and community.

 

So I want to thank the President for being here with us, whom we appreciate so much, and the work he has done for many years which we have followed, and it is a pride for us and the Colombian community here. I know it’s a pride to have you here to have this important conversation. Unfortunately, we are suffering this all over, in every corner of the world, and here in the United States, where we find these communities in exile.

 

It is our responsibility to continue working to restore democracy in the countries of our roots and in the entire world. So thank you very much, and I hope we can have a successful conversation about how we can continue working together. Thank you very much, Mayor. You don’t talk to me beyond that. Well, I always start by saying every time I refer to President Uribe in a way before a Bukele and a Milei, we had a Uribe, so it is the reality.

 

I am of Venezuelan origin and truly, from the bottom of my heart, I thank you for all the fight for democracy that you have historically given and continue to give. And know that we are united to support you because I know you are going through a very difficult time. Colombia and you also for the political persecution you have there, and know that here you have a community that supports you, from different parts: Venezuelans, Colombians, Peruvians, Ecuadorians, we also have here, so we are with you.

 

Thank you for being here. Thank you very much, dear. As if there were no tomorrow, before I forget, we also have a detail for you, a token of appreciation from me, as the mayor of the city of Doral. Also, with the support of our councilors and most of all the residents of our city. This coin from my office as mayor is for you to remember that here in Doral the doors are always open for you and for our entire Colombian community as well, so thank you very much.

 

So, you deserve much more. But well, that is the detail we have for you, of much more appreciation. Thank you, thank you from the bottom of my heart, on behalf of the university. Thank you for being with us. It’s a pleasure to have you. Thank you very much to the president. The people are very kind for it to have been a great honor. Mr. President. Mr. President, it was not the best.